The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was seen as arguably the most significant occupants of that office in the nation's history. Although countless second-in-commands were limited to minor or figurehead positions, Cheney wielded enormous influence during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly referred to as the "true president".
Bush resented that description and said the relationship was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was courteous, always calling him in public settings as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their relationship as a team because it suggested that they were equals. Despite such protestations, Cheney viewed the relaxed president accommodating on a whole raft of governmental choices.
A Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a faction of neo-cons that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the destruction of any non-communicating aircraft approaching the government building.
Cheney stated the assaults changed him, leading him to become intent on retaliation. Along with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Debated Decisions
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, nor about the waterboarding of detainees captured after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on misleading reports circulated by Cheney, was the proper path to take. "It was the correct action to do at that time. I had faith then and I believe it today."
Yet even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own representatives to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the role. "I witnessed, at the very least," he wrote later "true dereliction, carelessness, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, lying, ineptitude, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely responsible for the Iraq invasion. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had written a memorandum detailing scenarios in which US concerns might be compromised (encompassing "availability of crucial commodities, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be postured to operate alone when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," particularly citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the presidency somewhat determined on executing what his father had notably declined to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been fired by the administration, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of reducing America's participation in the regional tensions and mooted armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a conspiracy to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore objected to that one of the largest accommodations in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his predecessor's visage that all visitors had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was among the most vehement behind invading Iraq, frequently quoting intelligence reports that were either insubstantial or totally deceptive. He backed what the Bush government euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the use of simulated drowning and torture.
Answering a Senate report in 2014 that determined that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the findings as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place initiatives to catch the individuals who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in labels given to him by detractors such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the notion that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In the journalist's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the sinister strategist in the background that remains unseen leave his domain? This represents a advantageous way to function, actually."
Business Interests
Dispute over his corporate affiliations followed him during his tenure as second-in-command. Although he had limited background in commerce but good contacts in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's biggest energy conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the executive branch. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US deals totaling billions.
It made him rich. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the corporation rose from his $258,394 when he was defence secretary to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
